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Die Fragmente der griechischen Historiker. Berlin, —. Koehler, W. Baumgartner, and J. Stamm, eds. Leiden, — Lewis, ed.

Inscriptiones graecae. Kirchner, ed. Berlin, — LSJ H. Degrassi, ed. Inscriptiones latinae liberae rei publicae. Florence, — King James Version. Lexicon iconographicum mythologiae classicae. Zurich, — Local Scripts of Archaic Greece. Sokolowski, ed. Paris, Liddell and R. Scott, eds. A Greek-English Lexicon. Philadelphia, New Revised Standard Version.


Oxford English Dictionary. Migne, ed. Patrologia graeca.


Paris, — Revised Standard Version. Supplementum epigraphicum graecum. Amsterdam, —. Sumerisch-babylonische Hymnen nach Thontafeln griechischerf Zeit. Ur Excavations: Texts. London, — Prostitutes and Courtesans in the Ancient World Introduction laura k. Rather the contrary would be true, and an author might almost apologize for the abundance of [ancient] works treating of his subject, the number of which in this case can scarcely be estimated.

But while German scholars like Forberg, Brandt, and Hauschild pondered the shocking directness and profusion of Greco-Roman accounts of sexuality and prostitution, Anglophone scholarship largely remained silent on the question until well into the second half of the twentieth century. By the early s, the proliferation of feminist scholarship in multiple disciplines kindled an interest in issues of gender and sexuality among Anglo-American classical scholars.

The pioneering work of J. Sullivan, Jeffrey Henderson, and Sir Kenneth Dover led to advances in our understanding of sexual terminology and the social construction of gender and sexuality in the ancient world. Instead of emphasizing historical realities, these studies have taken up the role of prostitution as one of many cultural discourses produced by Athenians during the archaic and classical periods. Halperin, following on Dover and Keuls, elucidates the political repercussions of male prostitution in classical Athens in a chapter of One Hundred Years of Homosexuality Although debate about prostitution in the Greek world has proliferated in the last two decades, much less discussion has occurred on the Roman side until very recently.

The book maps out the social position of prostitutes in Roman society, their legal status as it bore on marriage and taxation, and the ways in which they were protected under private law. The essays collected here originated as papers delivered at a conference on prostitution in the ancient world held at the University of Wisconsin—Madison on April 12—14, They cover a vast historical span, from ancient Mesopotamia to the early Christian period.

Although sometimes divergent in methodology and theme, all of these essays demonstrate that while prostitutes in the ancient world may have been socially marginal, they were symbolically and even socially central, intersecting with almost every aspect of daily life. The promiscuous woman often has the same social meaning whether an adulteress or prostitute: in ancient Rome, for example, both the prostitute and the woman disgraced by adultery donned the male toga McGinn c, ; see also Olson in this volume.

In the Greco-Roman tradition, the preponderance of euphemisms and metaphorical terms that refer to sexual activities and practitioners generates further confusion. She participated in and embodied an economy of gift exchange that maintained, rather than severed, the connection between individuals. And yet, as reasonable as these distinctions might sound, the two terms are frequently applied to the same woman in all periods of the Greek literary tradition McClure , 9—24; see also Cohen in this volume. Most other Latin terms for prostitutes suggest various aspects of transacting 8 laura k.

Prostitution and the Sacred The specter of sacred or cultic prostitution raised by Herodotus in his account of the temple of Ishtar at Babylon has generated controversy and debate for well over a century.

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For example, the Laws of Lipit-Ishtar describe a kar. These promiscuous women—whether prostitutes, adulteresses, or merely sexually active females operating outside male control—occasioned fear because they did not submit to men and could disrupt legitimate marriages. They were of interest in the construction of Mesopotamian legal documents because of their impact on private and economic issues, such as inheritance devolution, rather than out of desire to regulate morality.

Stephanie Budin considers the question of sacred prostitution in the Near East from a Greek perspective. She observes that as no known direct testimonia of sacred prostitution survive from ancient Greece, scholars must rely on very late sources that often mistranslate key terms or distort the discussions of earlier classical authors. In many cases, late classical references to sacred prostitution are intended to denigrate the practices and beliefs of other ancient cultures. The practice also includes the premarital sale of virginity, prostitution by temple personnel, as well as temporary prostitution on ritual occasions.

Here, as well, terminology plays a critical role.

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Phyllis Bird in her analysis of the Hebrew Bible shows how the process of translation and scholarly interpretation has distorted our understanding of biblical accounts of prostitution. The most common term for prostitute is the 10 laura k.

Tolerated but stigmatized, the biblical prostitute is frequently deployed as a symbol of generalized sexual immorality. Catherine Keesling turns to the intersection of prostitution and the sacred in her discussion of dedicatory offerings made by or in honor of courtesans in ancient Greece. She discusses how many of these dedications transgress religious conventions by means of their enormous size, prohibitive expense, or high visibility.

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The most famous examples include the funerary monument of Pythionice located on the Sacred Way between Athens and Eleusis, the portrait statue of Phryne placed in the sanctuary of Apollo at Delphi, and the famous spits of Rhodopis, also dedicated to Apollo at Delphi. In other cases, the monuments associated with courtesans may represent an attempt on the part of later writers to bridge a gap left by the inscription. Moreover, the social status of prostitutes and courtesans as social outsiders or foreigners, coupled with the ambiguity of the terms relating to them, made their representations easily adaptable to a variety of rhetorical and political agendas.

Athenians disapproved of working for pay under the control of others; even supervisors in the world of Athenian commerce were normally slaves. A similar lack of distinction between commercial businesses and private households, found also in Roman towns as McGinn points out, explains the preponderance of literary and material evidence linking wool working to prostitution, particularly as found in the phialai exeleutherikai tablets that document the manumission of Athenian slaves.

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Servility or disgrace in Athens therefore did not devolve on the kind of task performed or even its locale— a slave and a free man could both serve as rowers on a trireme, for example—but on the presence or absence of supervision. A similar demarcation obtained in regard to female prostitutes in classical Athens. Focusing on the pseudoDemosthenic speech, Against Neaira, Alison Glazebrook explores the representation of courtesans in Athenian judicial oratory and shows how speakers constructed and manipulated images of prostitutes in service of hidden social and political agendas.

In contrast to other literary discourses, oratory does not represent courtesans as witty and cultured but rather often depicts them as depraved and extravagant. Timarchus, for instance, squanders the wages of his own prostitution on exquisite meals, gambling, and prostitutes. The unnamed companion of Olympiodorus also demands the same level of material prosperity, spending her time at parties and engaging in licentious behavior.

These prostitutes and their consorts embody a prodigal lifestyle considered morally reprehensible by Athenians of the fourth century BCE.